G7/8/20 summits are often accused of many ills: club of the rich, producers of pointless communiqués, unduly gigantic gatherings, over-prepared meetings and media-show events – in a word, useless. This chapter argues for a more qualified assessment of their added value to global governance. This chapter assesses multilateral summitry along three lines, examining respectively the process (the G7 as a diplomatic instrument), the outcome (what agreements G7s actually reached) and the counterfactual (what if the G7 did not exist?).
In an interview with UCL’s Claudia Schrag Sternberg, I discuss today’s EU referendum from the perspective of the last 50 years of the UK’s presence in the EU.
Re-examining the contentious EU freedom of movement rules.
I’m publishing today a new Policy Contribution for Bruegel, on the forthcoming vote about the UK’s EU membership.
As it begins its EU renegotiation, the UK risks antagonising even close allies such as Germany.
Regular meetings of heads of state and government seem, in 2012, a common feature of international affairs. About forty years ago, however, such meetings did not really exist: ad hoc summits were the rule. Comparing the emergence of the European Council in 1974 and the G7 in 1975, this article explains why and how summitry has become routine in international politics.